While it is natural to
focus on survival during downsizings,
abilities such as hunting are more likely to be shaped by the opportunities
during the aftermath of an abrupt climate change such as a drought. Death on
the downside may have more to do with bad luck – being in the wrong place at the
wrong time – than it does with not having the right stuff.
Opportunities occur on the upside, the very next year, but only for those with
the right stuff. You can only expand into newly burnt territories if you can
get by for awhile almost entirely on hunting (a modern example would be the
Inuit along the Arctic Circle). So only a fraction of the surviving population
can expand; the others stick to the remaining refugia where they can make their
living in a more traditional way. The ones that expand are the ones that get
the opportunities to become stranded – and occasionally become a new species.
Hunting abilities may provide an optional part of our ancestral diet – there are
many studies showing that meat is a minor part of the calories in
hunter-gatherer societies – but hunting does get subpopulations into new
territories like nothing else, thanks to grass being the low end of the chain of
plant succession. This is my major reason for being suspicious of the
gathering-is-more-important argument. It assumes efficiency as the main driver,
and infers that the major portion of the average diet is more important than the
occasional scraps of meat. But dynamics and statics give you different views of
the problem, especially when climate changes are so fast that there is a lot of
random death followed by a lot of selective opportunity. Having the “right
stuff” is, however, quite important in the grassy milieu created by a sudden
drought – not just for thriving where others cannot, but for getting into
situations where becoming stranded is a common aftermath.
Sustained attention is
common in hunting animals. Our cat Brin
will spend hours perched atop a fence, watching intently for movements in the
grass. She will occasionally dash into the house for food and water, then go
right back outside to her “project.”
Not
much of chimp and bonobo hunting involves such sustained attention; their
hunting is more episodic, spontaneous and opportunistic. If they had some of
the moves of the big cats, their diet would likely be more than 5 percent meat.
Certain aspects of intelligence don’t have much effect unless you have the
attention span to go with them. Since great apes are not especially known for
such sustained attention, we might infer some changes in that direction by the
time of
Homo erectus
when they had adapted to the hunting life. Having both a bigger brain and the
hunter’s versatile attention span might have opened up new avenues of mental
life.
Joint
attention (where an individual directs another’s attention to something and they
jointly contemplate it) is not much seen in the great apes but emerges in early
childhood for us moderns. Some researchers would nominate it for the prime
mover in the transition to behaviorally modern humans (more later).
Another kind of attention might have developed about then, that needed by the
nighttime sentry. Back in open woodland, there were still trees in which to
nest at night. While a leopard might pick off an occasional sleeping
individual, the scattered nature of the nesting sites meant that the others had
enough warning to wake up and run. But out on the savanna, there usually aren’t
enough trees to go around, making it easy for an entire hominid group to be
ambushed, much in the manner that Hadza hunters of Tanzania today ambush groups
of baboons that lack trees to nest in.
Occasionally staying awake while others sleep, and having others depend on you
to do so – enforced by social sanctions – certainly looks like an advanced
social behavior that goes beyond what we share with the chimps and bonobos, yet
one that need not wait for language abilities.
The
other thing that suggests some social change is the move to a modern amount of
sexual dimorphism. Perhaps coalition behaviors were often capable of keeping
one big alpha male from excluding the other males from mating opportunities.
This loss of the advantage of big male body size might have brought them closer
to the modern amount of size difference between males and females.
After the spinoff
of the Homo lineage,
there may have been a number of different hominid species at the same time –
exactly what one expects when a new niche is discovered. The meat-eating niche
was, for hominids, such a new niche event. For the next half-million years,
variants like
Homo rudolfensis
and
Homo habilis
surely tried out their combination of brains and guts, their preferences for
closed and open landscapes, and their behavioral methods for fending off
predators and competitors.
By
about 1.8 million years ago, hominids were clearly eating a lot of grass
somehow. The ratio of the stable carbon isotopes is different in leaves and
fruit (C3 plants) than it is in the African grasses (most of which are C4
types), simply because of somewhat different photosynthesis mechanisms. Animals
like gorillas that eat a lot of leaves make bone with the isotopic signature of
the C3; a grass-eating animal like a zebra or a warthog acquires the carbon-13
isotopic ratio of the C4 types. And if someone eats a lot of meat from grazing
animals, their bones too will look like the C4 types. It may not be true at the
level of behavior but at the level of atoms, you are what you eat. (And breathe
– inhale deeply, and maybe you’ll get an atom or so that used to reside in a
Homo erectus brain.)
So we
know that our ancestors shifted from low-grass to high-grass diets before 1.8
million years ago, and it probably wasn’t because they were baking bread. By
then, they were not just eating meat occasionally. They were eating a lot of
it. They had probably figured out how to bring down big grass-eating animals,
and with regularity. Glynn Isaac postulated that Homo erectus had not
only attained meat-eating but transport of food and raw materials and the
sharing of food. Richard Wrangham suggests that there was a major improvement
in diet, perhaps involving food preparation – maybe even cooking the savory
stew.
Homo erectus
(also known, within Africa, as
H. ergaster,
but I’ll lump them together for present purposes) was on stage and endured (in
east Asia) until only 50,000 years ago.
Many
new species of antelope appeared in
Africa starting about 2.7 million years ago, adapted to increasingly arid
conditions. While this gradual drying of the environment was an important
player in the hominid story as well, our ancestors were particularly affected by
the opportunities arising from rapid variability in climate, such as droughts
and the temporary conversion of forests into grasslands. Static conditions may
slowly promote efficiency, but climate dynamics can run pumps. The important
point for this brief history of the mind is that the droughts can pump up the
population size of any species that feeds, directly or indirectly, on grass –
such as Homo erectus.
In a
drought affecting the central population, those antelope species specialized for
the drier periphery could actually expand their populations at the expense of
the more ordinary antelopes that needed a waterhole regularly. You can even see
it in the monkeys. Baboons are Old World monkeys adapted to life in the more
open woodlands, but they’ll happily invade the forest when the competition
allows. The same thing
was likely true for hominids. Those capable of
making a living on the periphery could likely live anywhere. It’s another
example of a potential principle: adaptation to life on the fringes is a good
setup for expanding back into the center, especially during droughts.
Grass
can grow in places that lack enough rainfall for anything else, such as just
south of the Sahara and in the steppes of central Asia. Furthermore, as I
mentioned earlier, grass is the first thing to appear in the year after a fire
has cleared off everything and restarted the plant succession cycle of grass to
bush to forest. This means that cycles of drought and fire can run a pump of
sorts.
In
the year following a fire, grasslands would greatly expand. Grazing animals can
double and redouble their populations in just a few years. Their predators,
having a longer time between generations, would more slowly catch up but, if the
grass lasted long enough, they too would experience a temporary boom time. As
brush and forests return in many places, the grasslands become patchy. Thus
some isolated populations of grazers and their predators would develop, only
rarely encountering other populations long enough for some gene mixing.
This
drought-and-fire cycle does not provide evolutionary advantages for the great
apes in general, only for those such as
Homo
erectus,
increasingly able to exploit herds of large grazing animals. That’s one
possible answer to the “Why just us?” question. (Most evolutionary arguments
such as the advantages of general intelligence tend to apply equally well to
other omnivores such as chimpanzees and bonobos.)
Pump the Periphery
is a possible principle for hominid evolution. Once there, they may find that
plant succession causes grasslands to shrink in a patchy manner, perhaps
stranding them in such “islands.” These episodes surely emphasized the
importance of such otherwise occasional virtues as cooperation, food preparation
for otherwise inedible plants, and hunting efficiency.
As
useful as such traits might be to a central population, the crank of Darwinian
evolution turns more slowly there. Life on the fringe is, in comparison, a fast
track. When deserts get enough rainfall to grow grass, it is the frontier
populations that get the extra offspring surviving to adulthood.
Those
who survive and thrive on the frontiers also get the chance to expand back into
the central population during the next drought. Their new adaptations for grass
and drought make it possible for them to make a living in more central places
where the more average could not, allowing overall populations to grow. So it
doesn’t necessarily take frontier fighting abilities to produce that recurring
theme in human history, “from periphery to center, over and over.”
But,
to jump ahead for a moment, the advent of herding grazing animals on a commons,
rather than merely preying on them, makes one very vulnerable to theft, where
the accumulation of a lifetime can be lost overnight. People become very
worried about appearing weak and so violently “defend their honor” at the
slightest provocation. And organized theft can also become a way of life:
The successive waves of “barbarians” [from the steppes of northeast Asia] who
overran the formerly Roman lands for more than a thousand years… were toughened
by having lived an outdoor life in harsh, unforgiving surroundings. They were
experienced in making war. They were hungry, whether for grazing lands or for
plunder.
– David Fromkin,
1998
So what do such
large-animal predators need, compared to
great apes in general? Cooperative behaviors are usually important to such
predation. Indeed, even if a lone hunter kills a large antelope, it is too much
meat for even a single family. The obvious strategy is to give most of it away
and count on reciprocity tomorrow. Tolerated scrounging can develop into more
elaborate forms of reciprocal altruism.
Sharing has a long growth curve, unlike most things that evolution operates on.
You can share more things, with more people, over longer periods of time – all
for additional payoffs. Human-level cooperation has come to emphasize a delayed
reciprocity in which each partner risks short-term costs to achieve a long-term
mutual advantage.
There are a number of ways to hunt but the one
with the long growth curve is accurate throwing. Twice as far, twice as fast,
twice as accurate – they are all likely to mean your family eats high-calorie
nontoxic food for additional days of the month. Set pieces (like the modern
dart throw or basketball free throw) are not as useful for hunting as a
versatile throwing capability, able to improvise on the spot. And once you can
reliably hit moving targets, things again improve.
But
accurate throwing (as opposed to, say, the chimp’s fling of a branch) is a
difficult task for the brain. During “get set” one must improvise an
appropriate-to-the-target orchestration of a hundred muscles and then execute
the plan without feedback. While there are hundreds of ways to throw that would
hit a particular target, they are hidden amidst millions of wrong answers, any
one of which would cause dinner to run away. Planning it right the first time,
rather than trying over and over, has real advantages.
Since
the great apes are not noted for their planning skills, we might infer that
hominid planning skills were improving out in the grasslands. It’s not clear
when this intensified, but it is a long road from the occasional accuracy of a
chimp fling to the right-on-target high velocity skills of a baseball pitcher.
The
improvement doesn’t mean there was a bump developing on the skull that we might
label “hand-arm planning center.” Nor is there a reason to expect it to rate a
“for the exclusive use of” label. In modern stroke patients, one sees a lot of
overlap between hand-arm and oral-facial planning (also, and this may prove
important, they both overlap with language). Though the natural selection
payoff might be the hand-arm planning that orchestrates a brief ballistic
movement, the same improved neural machinery is likely available for planning on
longer time scales and other muscle groups. (Just remember curb cuts for
wheelchairs and their free use for skateboards.)
Homo erectus
promptly spread out of Africa into Asia by 1.7 million years ago. It was still
in east Asia only 50,000 years ago, in the middle of the most recent ice age.
Homo erectus
was a very successful species. Why did it endure?
Perhaps they had learned to delay food consumption as well as to hunt, to
prepare plant foods by pounding and soaking them first. Some think that cooking
was also invented early in the
H. erectus
era. Such forms of preparation considerably expand the diet, important in hard
times when the choice has become restricted. (Though Japanese monkeys can be
seen to wash the sand off of food, and even to throw handfuls of grain mixed
with sand into the water so as to eat what floats, the name of their game is
still immediate consumption, not an intermediate product.)
Together, hunting and food preparation are probably what allowed
Homo
erectus
to live in the more arid areas with only occasional trees – say, on the “shores”
of the Sahara and in the steppes of central Asia.
By
about 1.5 million years ago, the almost designed-looking “Acheulean” toolkit
developed, the second big step up in toolmaking. Making an Acheulean handaxe
required a lot more sustained effort, with an unseen goal (that flattened
teardrop shape, edged all around) held in mind. In captivity, apes can shatter
rocks to get a sharp edge, and use it to cut the rope that keeps a box of
bananas closed. But making something to a certain design seems to be another
matter, likely requiring a great deal of tutoring and more of an attention span
than apes usually have.
With
its flattened-teardrop symmetry, the Acheulean handaxe has long invited
cognitive explanations. It is the earliest hominid tool that seems “designed”
in some modern sense. Yet for most of the “Swiss Army knife” multipurpose suite
of proposed uses (defleshing, scraping, pounding roots, and flake source), an
easy-to-make shape would suffice – and indeed the simpler tools continued to be
made. None of these uses adequately addresses the “design aspects.” Why is the
handaxe mostly symmetric, why mostly flattened, why the seldom-sharp point, why
sharpened all around (when that interferes with gripping the tool for pounding
uses)?
Nor
does a suite of uses suggest why this form could remain the same from southern
Africa to western Europe to eastern Asia – and resist cultural drift for so
long. The handaxe technique and its rationale were surely lost many times, just
as Tasmanians lost fishing and fire-starting practices. So how did
Homo
erectus
keep rediscovering the enigmatic handaxe shape, over and over for nearly 1.5
million years? Was there a constraining primary function, in addition to a
Swiss Army knife collection of secondary uses?
Elsewhere I describe the handaxe’s extraordinary suitability for one
special-purpose case of projectile predation: attacking herds at waterholes on
those occasions when they are tightly packed together and present a large,
stampede-prone target. Briefly, in the beginner’s version that uses a tree
branch rather than a stone, the hunters hide near a waterhole. When the herd is
within range, the branch is flung into their midst. The lob causes the herd to
wheel about and begin to stampede. But some animal trips or becomes entangled
by the branch. Because of jostling and injury by others as they flee, the
animal fails to get up before hunters arrive to dispatch it.
One
can imagine that tree branches were soon in short supply near waterholes. If
our waterhole hominids resorted to second best, lobbing a rock into the herd’s
midst, it would not trip animals but it might knock one down. Because of the
delaying action of the stampeding herd, this too might allow an animal to be
caught. Even when you miss, the herd will be more tightly packed together on
its next cautious visit to the water’s edge – a sea of backs with few gaps makes
it even harder to miss.
What
rocks would work best? Large rocks, but also rocks whose shape had less air
resistance. Most rocks tumble, but flat rocks (say, from a shale outcrop) will
sometimes rotate in the style of a discus or frisbee, keeping the thin profile
aligned to the direction of travel and thereby minimizing drag. Because animals
will keep their distance when under heavy predation, range would become
increasingly important. (Throwing farther is not the problem so much as the
increased accuracy needed. Twice as far is about eight times as difficult.)
Hunters might also have noticed that stones with sharp edges were more effective
in knocking an animal off its feet, even when not heavy. Withdrawal reflexes
from painful stimuli, such as a sharp prick from an overhanging thorn tree,
cause a four-legged animal to involuntarily squat. Even if the spinning stone
were to hit atop the animal’s back and bounce free, it might cause the animal to
sit down. It is the sudden pain that is relevant, not any actual penetration of
the skin. That’s my theory for why handaxes are somewhat pointed (it will snag
in a pushed-up roll of skin), sharpened all around, and flattened.
The
handaxe would also be useful for that “Swiss Army knife” suite of secondary uses
(defleshing, scraping, pounding roots, and flake source) but none of those uses
tells you why it is shaped the way it is: unless damaged and reused, it is like
a flattened teardrop, edged all around.
So
what cognitive ability was needed by early
Homo
erectus
for handaxe design? Not much more than for shatter-and-search. Rather than
being seen as an embarrassing exception to 50,000-year modernity, the handaxe
can be seen – once the singular controlling use is appreciated – as having a
very pragmatic shape, where deviations from the flattened teardrop are more
likely to result in dinner running away. The step up to staged toolmaking
(first shape a core, then knock off flakes) at 400,000 years ago is far more
impressive as evidence of enhanced cognition.
So the thought processes
of
Homo erectus
were surely different from what is seen in great apes – there was likely more
sharing and planning – but there is still no evidence of increased creativity or
art, and I’d discount the otherwise suggestive handaxe evidence as suggesting
esthetic design in toolmaking.
In
appearance, they were almost human. In intellect, they were likely only apes of
a superior sort, not even halfway there – but with all the moves of an
accomplished hunter and sophisticated gatherer.